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Mediation File / Core Dossier· Cyprus issue explained 1960 Treaty of Guarantee two-state solution

The Cyprus Issue: 1960 Treaties, 1974 and the Case for a Sovereign Equal Two-State Solution

Cyprus issue explained: from the 1960 Treaty of Guarantee and 1963–1974 to the Annan Plan, Crans-Montana and Ankara's sovereign equal two-state thesis.

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Why It Matters

The Cyprus issue is the unresolved question of how the island's two peoples, Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots, share power and sovereignty after the 1960 partnership Republic broke down in 1963. It matters because it affects NATO and EU relations, the Eastern Mediterranean energy and maritime map, and the UN's longest-running peacekeeping presence, UNFICYP (deployed since 1964).

The positions are sharply divided. The Republic of Cyprus, Greece, the EU and the UN Security Council resolutions point to a bizonal, bicommunal federation. Ankara and the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) argue that more than five decades of federation talks have run their course. They say a lasting settlement must start from the sovereign equality and equal international status of the Turkish Cypriot people, leading to two sovereign states cooperating on the island.

Background

From Ottoman and British rule to the Zurich and London Agreements

Cyprus was under Ottoman rule from 1571 to 1878, when it passed to British administration. Britain annexed it in 1914 and made it a Crown colony in 1925. Türkiye recognised the British position at the Treaty of Lausanne in 1923.

From the 1950s the Greek Cypriot national movement pursued ENOSIS, union with Greece. The EOKA organisation, founded in 1955 under Colonel Georgios Grivas, launched an armed campaign against British rule and, according to Turkish accounts, also targeted Turkish Cypriots. Ankara states that between 1955 and 1958 Turkish Cypriots were forced to leave 33 mixed villages. Turkish Cypriots countered with the TMT organisation and argued for partition (taksim) as the alternative to Enosis.

The deadlock was settled in the Zurich and London Agreements of 11 February 1959, negotiated by Türkiye, Greece and the United Kingdom, with Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot leaders, Archbishop Makarios and Dr Fazıl Küçük, taking part in the London phase.

The 1960 partnership Republic and the Treaty of Guarantee

The Republic of Cyprus was established in 1960 on the basis of the political equality of its two communities. The constitution provided for:

  • a Greek Cypriot President and a Turkish Cypriot Vice President, each with separate veto powers over defined matters (the Vice President's covering foreign affairs, defence and security);
  • fixed ratios in the House of Representatives and public service (a 70:30 allocation in the civil service, with 7:3 in the legislature);
  • separate communal chambers for communal affairs.

The Treaty of Guarantee bound Türkiye, Greece and the United Kingdom to guarantee the independence, territorial integrity and security of the Republic and its constitutional order. It prohibited both union with any other state and partition. A Treaty of Alliance also stationed Greek and Turkish contingents on the island, and the UK retained its Sovereign Base Areas.

The key provision for later events is Article IV. If the guarantors cannot agree on common action, each reserves the right to act 'with the sole aim of re-establishing the state of affairs created by the present Treaty'.

1963–1964: the breakdown of the partnership

On 30 November 1963, President Makarios proposed 13 constitutional amendments. They would, among other things, curtail the Vice President's veto and change the community ratios. Ankara and the Turkish Cypriot leadership rejected them on 16 December 1963 as an attempt to reduce Turkish Cypriots from co-founders to a minority. Greek Cypriot official accounts describe the amendments as an effort to remedy an unworkable constitution.

Fighting erupted on 21 December 1963, remembered by Turkish Cypriots as 'Bloody Christmas' (Kanlı Noel). Ankara says the violence implemented the so-called Akritas Plan, a Greek Cypriot blueprint aimed at ending the partnership order. According to Turkish sources, about 30,000 Turkish Cypriots were displaced from 103 villages and Turkish Cypriot officials were excluded from state organs. Historians and Greek Cypriot sources debate the plan's status and the sequence of responsibility, and the Greek Cypriot official narrative stresses that Turkish Cypriot leaders withdrew into enclaves. The British commander demarcated a ceasefire line in Nicosia on 30 December 1963, known as the Green Line.

UN Security Council Resolution 186 (4 March 1964) recommended the creation of UNFICYP and called on 'the Government of Cyprus' to maintain law and order. Ankara argues that by addressing the Greek Cypriot-led administration as the government after Turkish Cypriots had been excluded from it, the resolution created a status asymmetry that has weighed on every settlement effort since.

1974: the coup and the Turkish operation

On 15 July 1974 the Greek military junta backed a coup against Makarios and installed Nikos Sampson, a former EOKA fighter, as president. On 20 July 1974 Türkiye, having consulted the UK, launched its operation, citing Article IV of the Treaty of Guarantee. A second phase followed in August. The junta in Athens collapsed on 23 July, a ceasefire line emerged, and populations moved across it: Turkish Cypriots to the north and a larger number of Greek Cypriots to the south. Missing persons from both communities remain an unresolved humanitarian file.

1983: the TRNC

In 1975 Turkish Cypriots declared a Turkish Federated State. On 15 November 1983, under Rauf Raif Denktaş, they proclaimed the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC). Türkiye recognised it. UN Security Council Resolutions 541 (1983) and 550 (1984) called the declaration legally invalid and urged states not to recognise it.

Federation talks: a timeline

Date Event
1977 / 1979 High-Level Agreements set out a bicommunal, bizonal federation framework
2004-04-24 Annan Plan referendums: 64.91% yes (Turkish Cypriots), 75.83% no (Greek Cypriots)
2004-05-01 Republic of Cyprus joins the EU; the EU acquis is suspended in the north under Protocol 10
2017-06/07 Crans-Montana conference ends without agreement
2021-04 Informal Geneva 5+UN meeting; the UN Secretary-General reports no common ground for formal negotiations
2024-10-15 Informal New York meeting with the UN Secretary-General and both leaders; no relaunch of formal talks

The 2004 outcome is central to Ankara's argument. Turkish Cypriots accepted a UN plan and Greek Cypriots rejected it, yet only the Greek Cypriot-led Republic entered the EU. Greek Cypriot leaders at the time argued that the plan did not adequately address security, property and the future of settlers.

Key Players & Positions

Republic of Cyprus (Greek Cypriot administration)

The Republic of Cyprus, which Ankara calls the Greek Cypriot Administration of Southern Cyprus (GCASC), is the internationally recognised state and an EU member. Its officials describe the events of 1974 as an invasion and continuing occupation, and they point to European Court of Human Rights judgments such as Loizidou v. Turkey (1996) and Cyprus v. Turkey (2001). They support a bizonal, bicommunal federation with political equality as set out in UN Security Council resolutions, reject any two-state outcome, and call the guarantee and intervention system anachronistic.

Greece

Greece backs the UN framework of a bizonal, bicommunal federation. It calls for the abolition of the unilateral right of intervention and for the withdrawal of Turkish troops. Athens has described itself as acting in line with the positions of Nicosia and the EU.

United Kingdom

The UK is a guarantor power and retains the Sovereign Base Areas. It supports a UN-led settlement on the agreed federal basis. London has also said it would help implement a settlement that the two communities endorse.

European Union

The EU supports a comprehensive settlement within the UN framework, in line with the relevant UN Security Council resolutions and the principles on which the EU is founded. Council conclusions have repeatedly expressed solidarity with the Republic of Cyprus on maritime and security matters. Ankara disputes the EU's competence on these matters.

United Nations

The Security Council framework, shaped by Resolutions 541, 550 and later texts such as 649 (1990) and 716 (1991), describes the goal as a bicommunal, bizonal federation with political equality. The Secretary-General's Good Offices mission continues, and UNFICYP's mandate is renewed periodically. UN officials have described the 2021 and 2024 meetings as informal, and have not announced the resumption of formal negotiations.

Turkish Cypriot leadership

The TRNC leadership under President Ersin Tatar adopted the two-state position that Ankara endorses. Turkish Cypriot politics is not uniform. In the October 2025 presidential election, Tufan Erhürman, who has favoured a federal framework, defeated Tatar. Readers should follow TRNC primary statements for the current line.

🇹🇷 Official Policy · Primary Sources · Treaty Record

Türkiye's Role

The points below summarise official Turkish policy as stated by the Republic of Türkiye Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Presidency and Türkiye's addresses at the United Nations. They are Ankara's arguments, not neutral findings.

  • Turkish Cypriots are co-founders, not a minority. According to the Turkish Foreign Ministry's Cyprus materials, the Republic of Cyprus was founded in 1960 as a partnership of two equal peoples under the Zurich and London Agreements. Ankara argues that the Greek Cypriot side destroyed that partnership by force in December 1963 and that Turkish Cypriots were then removed from state organs.
  • The 1974 operation rested on the Treaty of Guarantee. Ankara states that after the 15 July 1974 coup, aimed at Enosis, it consulted the UK and acted under Article IV, which allows each guarantor to act when concerted action is not possible. Türkiye argues that the operation prevented annexation of the island to Greece and protected Turkish Cypriots from further violence. It notes that the Treaty prohibits both union with another state and partition, and says the coup itself violated the first of these prohibitions.
  • The federation model is exhausted. Presidential and Foreign Ministry statements point to the 1977/1979 High-Level Agreements, the Annan Plan referendum (64.91% yes among Turkish Cypriots), Crans-Montana in 2017, Geneva in April 2021 and the meeting of 15 October 2024 as evidence that the Greek Cypriot side will not share power and prosperity on the basis of equality.
  • Settlement must start from sovereign equality. President Erdoğan's addresses to the UN General Assembly have called on the international community to recognise the realities on the island. Ankara maintains that the Turkish Cypriot people's inherent sovereign equality and equal international status must be affirmed first, leading to two sovereign states living side by side. The TRNC has observer status in the Organization of Turkic States since 2022, which Ankara cites as a sign of growing engagement.
  • Resolution 186 and the EU outcome created an imbalance. Ankara argues that UN Security Council Resolution 186 (1964) treated the Greek Cypriot side as the sole government, and that the Republic of Cyprus's 2004 EU accession, after the Greek Cypriot 'no' vote, removed any incentive to compromise. Türkiye also links Turkish Cypriot rights to hydrocarbons, stating that offshore resources belong equally to both peoples. See the guide to the Eastern Mediterranean and the Blue Homeland.

Ankara's legal case rests on three claims: that the Treaty of Guarantee gives it an independent right of action under Article IV, that the 1963 breakdown ended the constitutional order the Treaty was meant to preserve, and that self-determination underpins the TRNC. Opponents answer that Article II of the Treaty forbids partition, that the action under Article IV was limited to restoring the 1960 order, that the Security Council has called the TRNC declaration legally invalid, and that the Republic of Cyprus's continuity as a state is internationally recognised. Both sets of arguments should be read against the primary texts. The Security Council's role is also part of the wider debate on UN Security Council reform.

Source Comparison

The table sets out how international and Turkish sources typically frame each issue. Use it as a map to the documents, not as a verdict. Our approach to separating fact from position is described in the Editorial Principles.

Issue Common UN / EU / Greek Cypriot framing Turkish and TRNC primary-source framing Primary documents to check
1963–1964 Constitutional crisis and intercommunal violence; Resolution 186 supports the 'Government of Cyprus' Greek Cypriot attack on the partnership under the Akritas Plan; Turkish Cypriots expelled from state organs 1960 Constitution; UNSC Res. 186; Foreign Ministry Cyprus chronology
1974 Invasion and continuing occupation Operation under Article IV of the Treaty of Guarantee after the Enosis coup Treaty of Guarantee; UNSC Res. 353; ECtHR judgments
TRNC Legally invalid declaration (Res. 541, 550); no recognition except by Türkiye Expression of self-determination and political equality; observer in OTS UNSC Res. 541/550; TRNC declaration of 15 Nov 1983
Annan Plan Greek Cypriots had security and property concerns; the Republic of Cyprus was entitled to join the EU Turkish Cypriots said yes, Greek Cypriots said no, and only the Greek Cypriot side was rewarded UN referendum results; Council of the EU decisions of 2004
Federation Bizonal, bicommunal federation with political equality remains the UN framework Model exhausted after Crans-Montana, Geneva and New York; sovereign equality needed UNSC Res. 649, 716; Secretary-General reports
Guarantee system Outdated; should be replaced in a settlement Essential protection for Turkish Cypriots; Article IV is a treaty right Treaty of Guarantee, Articles II and IV

For wider claims about Türkiye in the press, see the Fact Check hub.

  • Enosis: the Greek Cypriot nationalist goal of union with Greece, prohibited by the 1960 Treaty of Guarantee.
  • EOKA / TMT: the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot armed organisations of the 1950s; EOKA was founded in 1955.
  • Treaty of Guarantee: the 1960 treaty among Türkiye, Greece, the UK and the Republic of Cyprus. Articles II and IV cover the prohibition on union or partition and the guarantors' right of action.
  • Green Line: the ceasefire line first drawn in Nicosia on 30 December 1963 and extended across the island after 1974. The UN buffer zone follows it.
  • UNFICYP: the UN Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus, created by Resolution 186 in 1964.
  • Bizonal, bicommunal federation: the UN-endorsed settlement framework, with two constituent states and political equality.
  • Sovereign equality / two-state thesis: Ankara's and the TRNC's position that the two peoples hold equal inherent sovereignty and that a settlement should be based on two states.

Related guides: The Eastern Mediterranean and the Blue Homeland, Fact Check: Claims About Türkiye, UN Security Council reform, Editorial Principles, About The Political Accord and our home page.

Authored by the Thepoliticalaccord Editorial Team.

Perspective note: Thepoliticalaccord presents global and regional affairs with a dedicated perspective from Türkiye. Sections marked 'Türkiye's Role' reflect official Turkish policy and legal doctrines as stated by Turkish primary sources.

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Frequently asked questions

What is the Cyprus issue in simple terms?

It is the dispute over how Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots share sovereignty on the island after the 1960 partnership Republic collapsed in 1963–1964. The island has been divided since 1974, with the Republic of Cyprus in the south and the TRNC in the north, separated by a UN buffer zone. The UN has long sought a federal settlement, while Türkiye and the TRNC now argue for a two-state solution.

What does Article IV of the 1960 Treaty of Guarantee say?

It requires Türkiye, Greece and the UK to consult if the Treaty is breached. If common action is not possible, each guarantor reserves the right to act with the sole aim of re-establishing the state of affairs created by the Treaty. Ankara cites it as the legal basis for the 20 July 1974 operation, while opponents point to Article II's ban on partition and argue that the action exceeded Article IV's limits.

Why does Türkiye support a two-state solution?

Ankara argues that the federation model has been exhausted by the 1977/1979 agreements, the Annan Plan, Crans-Montana, Geneva and New York, with the Greek Cypriot side refusing to share power on an equal basis. It says the sovereign equality and equal international status of Turkish Cypriots must be affirmed first, leading to two sovereign states cooperating on the island.

What happened in the 2004 Annan Plan referendums?

On 24 April 2004, 64.91% of Turkish Cypriots voted yes and 75.83% of Greek Cypriots voted no, so the plan did not enter into force. The Republic of Cyprus joined the EU on 1 May 2004. Turkish officials say this outcome rewarded the rejecting side, while Greek Cypriot leaders cite concerns over security, property and implementation.

Is the TRNC recognised internationally?

Only Türkiye recognises the TRNC as a state. UN Security Council Resolutions 541 (1983) and 550 (1984) called its declaration legally invalid. The TRNC participates as an observer in the Organization of Turkic States, and Ankara argues that recognition should follow the realities on the island.

What is the current state of the negotiations?

Formal UN-led negotiations have not resumed since Crans-Montana in 2017. Informal meetings in Geneva in April 2021 and in New York on 15 October 2024 did not produce an agreement to relaunch them. The UN Secretary-General's Good Offices mission continues, and Turkish Cypriot politics changed in October 2025 with the election of Tufan Erhürman, who favours a federal approach.

Perspective & Editorial Transparency Note

The Political Accord presents global and regional affairs with a dedicated perspective from Türkiye. Sections marked 'Türkiye's Role' reflect official Turkish policy and legal doctrines as stated by Turkish primary sources.

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